Tag Archives | Anarchy

Pages of Liberty

Rothbard - Anatomy of the State

I’m done with my two-week libertarathon – tiring but fun. Now just two weeks before fall classes begin!

I notice that the Mises Institute has a lot of good pamphlets out, suitable for tabling – including Fréderic Bastiat’s The Law, Gustave de Molinari’s Production of Security, Étienne de la Boétie’s Discourse of Voluntary Servitude, Carl Menger’s Origins of Money, and Murray Rothbard’s Anatomy of the State and Left & Right: The Prospects for Liberty. (Now they just need to publish this baby.)

In other news, check out Kevin Carson on a day in the life under the corporate state.


Anarchy in America

As William Gillis points out, two important histories of individualist anarchism in the u.s. are now online: Eunice Schuster’s (confusingly titled) Native American Anarchism (1932) and Rudolf Rocker’s Pioneers of American Freedom (1949). These join James Martin’s (sexistly titled) Men Against the State (1953) and William Reichert’s Partisans of Freedom (1976), already online, making a nice quartet.

In related news, Mises.org just put up an article on Sam Konkin by Jeff Riggenbach.


C4SS Monthly Fundraiser

Guest Blog by Brad Spangler

[cross-posted at C4SS]

Dear Supporters of the Center for a Stateless Society,

It’s time for me to again report to you on our financial situation and ask you to please help us pay some bills. Our fundraising goal this month is $1,320. Please support our work. Donate using the ChipIn widget on any page of our web site. Financial details follow …

We have had $1820 in total expenses for this past month of June. Those expenses are partially offset by $300 in income from recurring donations. Additionally, we’ve received several hundred dollars in online course fees for the Stateless-U program of online courses. Because those course fees are not a monthly source of income, though, as well as because enrollees can potentially drop classes and ask for their money back during the remainder of the month of July, we’re only counting a portion of that money toward the June expenses; $200.

That, then, is how we arrived at our fundraising goal for this month:

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C4SS

$1,820 EXPENSES
– $300 DONATION INCOME
– $200 COURSE FEES INCOME
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$1,320 FUNDRAISING GOAL

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The monthly expense breakdown is pretty similar to what you’ve seen in recent months. Tom Knapp is now our part-time Media Coordinator, so his pay has changed. Although you’ll continue to see the occasional written commentary from him, Tom is now mostly doing promotional work aimed at media placement of our content. Darian Worden is now making more money as well because he’s taking up some of the writing slack from Tom writing less. Additionally, I’m drawing a $100 monthly stipend now and had $20 in phone expenses this past month. Here’s the expense listing:

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Research Associate: Carson — $425
News Analyst: Knight — $160
News Analyst: Worden — $260
Web Administrator: Gogulski — $215
Media Coordinator: Knapp — $640
Director (Stipend & Expenses): Spangler — $120
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TOTAL EXPENSES: $1820

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That’s where we’re at right now.

Will you please support our work? Donate using the ChipIn widget on any page of our web site.

Regards,

Brad Spangler,
Director, Center for a Stateless Society (C4SS)


Sumner Time Blues

William Graham Sumner said lots of things I like. (See, for example, his “Conquest of the United States by Spain.”) The following (which I apparently transcribed a couple of decades ago and just came across today) isn’t one of them:

[H]ow are we to appreciate the work of the Constitution-makers? How can we understand what their task was, what difficulties they had to overcome, what the grounds were of the opposition which they had to meet? Everyone knows nowadays that the people by no means leaped forward to grasp this Constitution, which is now so much admired and loved, as the blessing which they had been praying for. Why did they not? To put it in the briefest compass, the reason why not was this: that Constitution was an immense advance in the political organization at a single step. It made a real union; it reduced the independent (I avoid the word “sovereign”) states to a status of some limitation; it created a competent executive – one who could govern, not influence or persuade; it created a treasury which could reach the property of the citizen by taxes, not by begging; it created a power which could enforce treaties. Considering the anarchical condition of things and the waywardness and irritation of the public temper, it is amazing that such a step could have been accomplished.

William Graham Sumner

Its opponents declared that the new Union was simply taking the place which Great Britain had occupied; that its dominion was as intolerable as hers had been; that they had only changed masters by the War. … Therefore, to sum it up, the doctrines of the radical Whigs were now the doctrines of the radical Antifederalists. The latter claimed with truth that they were consistent, that they had all the same reason to oppose and dread the Union which they had had to oppose Great Britain, and that the Union had inherited and was perpetuating the position of Great Britain. It became a current expression of discontent with the federal system, of which you hear occasional echoes even now, that it was an imitation of the English system invented and fastened on the country by Alexander Hamilton – and this was rather a distortion of the true facts than an utter falsehood.

What, then, shall we infer from all these facts? Plainly this: that the Revolutionary doctrines were anarchistic, and inconsistent with peace and civil order; that they were riotous and extravagant; and that there could be no success and prosperity here until a constitutional civil government existed which could put down the lawless and turbulent spirit and discipline the people to liberty under law. This is the position which was taken by the Federal party; this is why New England, although it had been intensely Whig, became intensely Federal. The people knew the difference between war measures and peace measures and they realized the necessity of tightening again the bonds of social order. This is also why the Federal party was so unpopular; it was doing a most useful and essential work, but it is never popular to insist upon self-control, discipline, and healthful regulation. … (“Advancing Social and Political Organization in the United States,” 1896 or 1897.)

(For Sumner in a more anarchist-friendly mood, see here.)

But Sumner is crucially right even in the midst of being wrong: the doctrines of the Revolution were anarchistic, and the Constitutional order that was subsequently established represented the betrayal rather than the fulfillment of the principles of ’76 – as, for that matter, did the Articles of Confederation. The whole idea that the legitimacy of governmental institutions depends on the “consent of the governed” immediately invalidates all state institutions everywhere.

Something to think about this Independence Day.


Anarchist’s Crossing

Miller's Crossing

Two great anarchist quotes from Miller’s Crossing:

It’s getting so a businessman can’t expect no return from a fixed fight. Now, if you can’t trust a fix, what can you trust? For a good return, you gotta go betting on chance – and then you’re back with anarchy, right back in the jungle.

Which is incidentally a perfect illustration of why big business has never been a fan of the free market.

You don’t hold elected office in this town. You run it because people think you do. They stop thinking it, you stop running it.

The point applies to elected officials too, of course.


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