Tag Archives | Ethics

The Shroud of Aristotle

Whilst surfing for something else I happened across this description of Ayn Rand’s philosophy as “really nothing other than a Solipsistic ethical system thinly shrouded with Aristotle,” popular only because “a lot of college age kids want to hear … a philosophical rationalization for greed and selfishness.”

Ayn Rand I think one of the chief explainers of the divide between those who take Rand seriously as a philosopher and those who don’t may well be the interpretive divide between those who see her philosophy as a solipsistic ethical system thinly shrouded with Aristotle and those who see it as an Aristotelean system thinly shrouded with ethical solipsism. Obviously I’m in the latter camp.

So here’s a question for those in the former camp: if Rand’s ethics is just a rationalisation for greed and selfishness (in the conventional sense) and the Aristoteleanism is just a thin shroud, then what exactly is the contrast in The Fountainhead between Roark on the one hand and Wynand and Keating on the other supposed to be about? What is supposed to be wrong with Wynand’s and/or Keating’s modus operandi, from Rand’s point of view? If anyone can give a plausible answer that’s consistent with the view of Rand cited above, I’ll eat my conical hat. If not, then I’ll stick to my view that such readings of Rand are the product of a tin ear.


Find the Unpatriot

In 1782, Thomas Jefferson, addressing the subject of American slavery, wrote:

Thomas Jefferson Can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just: that his justice can not sleep forever: that considering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among possible events: that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attributes which can take side with us in such a contest.

In 1865, Abraham Lincoln proclaimed:

Abraham Lincoln The Almighty has His own purposes. “Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.” If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.”

In 1968, Martin Luther King opined:

Martin Luther King We’ve committed more war crimes almost than any nation in the world, and I’m going to continue to say it. And we won’t stop it because of our pride and our arrogance as a nation. But God has a way of even putting nations in their place. The God that I worship has a way of saying, “Don’t play with me.” He has a way of saying, as the God of the Old Testament used to say to the Hebrews, “Don’t play with me, Israel. Don’t play with me, Babylon. Be still and know that I am God. And if you don’t stop your reckless course, I’ll rise up and break the backbone of your power.” And that can happen to America.

In 2001, Jeremiah Wright preached:

Jeremiah Wright No, no, no, not God bless America. God damn America – that’s in the Bible – for killing innocent people. God damn America, as long as she pretends to act like she is God and she is supreme.

I gather from the establishment echo chamber that three of these people are apparently great American patriots we should all revere, while one of them is horribly un-patriotic and un-American and must be denounced. But I’m having a bit of trouble figuring out which is which. Any help?


Montaigne on Profit and Loss

Montaigne famously held that one person’s profit always involves another person’s loss, and this apothegm has won him some hostility from libertarians; see Mises, for example, here, here, and here. But I think Montaigne’s meaning has been misunderstood. When the claim is taken out of context, it is easy to assume, first, that Montaigne is attacking profit, and second, that he is saying that in any exchange one party wins and another loses – so that, in effect, the person who profits does so by causing the other person’s loss.

Montaigne But when read in context, Montaigne’s point turns out to be rather different. Here’s what Montaigne actually says:

Demades the Athenian condemned one of his city, whose trade it was to sell the necessaries for funeral ceremonies, upon pretence that he demanded unreasonable profit, and that that profit could not accrue to him, but by the death of a great number of people. A judgment that appears to be ill grounded, forasmuch as no profit whatever can possibly be made but at the expense of another, and that by the same rule he should condemn all gain of what kind soever. The merchant only thrives by the debauchery of youth, the husbandman by the dearness of grain, the architect by the ruin of buildings, lawyers and officers of justice by the suits and contentions of men: nay, even the honor and office of divines are derived from our death and vices. A physician takes no pleasure in the health even of his friends, says the ancient Greek comic writer, nor a soldier in the peace of his country, and so of the rest.

First of all, then, Montaigne is evidently not attacking profit, since the reason he offers for thinking that Demades’s position is “ill-grounded” is that if it were correct, we would have to condemn all profit – an implication Montaigne obviously finds unacceptable. Second, it is clear from Montaigne’s examples that the loss that Montaigne thinks is linked with profit is not a loss that results from exchange but one that precedes it. His point is that X would not be able to make a profit from Y if Y were not already suffering from some form of need or lack which X then proceeds to relieve. It’s not that Y loses by the ensuing exchange, but rather that Y’s pre-existing ill fortune is what necessitates the exchange.

Admittedly Montaigne does find this situation morally problematic – not, however, because he thinks Y fails to benefit from the exchange, but rather because the dependence of X’s profit on Y’s need gives X an interest in hoping for and valuing Y’s distress, a morally unlovely consequence. And perhaps Montaigne is open to criticism here for not observing that there is a limit to the extent of distress that X can prudently wish upon Y, since, for example, X will not want Y to be so impoverished as not to be able to afford X’s services. But in any case Montaigne is not making the elementary economic mistake that is so often imputed to him.

Rousseau, in discussing Montaigne’s remark, draws from it the following moral:

It will perhaps be said that society is so formed that every man gains by serving the rest. That would be all very well, if he did not gain still more by injuring them. There is no legitimate profit so great, that it cannot be greatly exceeded by what may be made illegitimately; we always gain more by hurting our neighbours than by doing them good.

But this gloomy conclusion seems to me to go far beyond anything Montaigne is saying in the passage in question.

Addendum:

It turns out that Rothbard pushes this line also, in a piece titled “The Skeptic as Absolutist: Michel de Montaigne.” (Even assuming he didn’t ghost-write the Discourse of Voluntary Servitude, how anyone could interpret Montaigne as an absolutist is beyond me!) What’s so frustrating about the piece is that Rothbard quotes enough of the Montaigne passage to make it obvious that the anti-trade interpretation of it is mistaken – and then proceeds to give the anti-trade interpretation anyway! I love me some Rothbard, but his bizarre interpretations of his predecessors (Plotinus, Smith, Hayek, etc.) drive me crazy sometimes.


Between Two Russells

As Aristotle observes, virtue is often a mean between a vice of deficiency and a vice of excess. I think the same is true of attitudes toward reading the “great books.” On the one hand there is the vice of deficient deference to the text; this is what Arnold Bennett complains of in his article “Translating Literature Into Life” (The Bookman, Sept. 1919; conical hat tip to Kelly Jolley), when he writes:

If you were invited to meet a great writer, you would brace yourself to the occasion. You would say to yourself: “I must keep my ears open, and my brain wide-awake, so as to miss nothing”. You would tingle with your own bracing of yourself. But you – I mean “ we” – will sit down to a great book as though we were sitting down to a ham sandwich. No sense of personal inferiority in us! No mood of resolve! No “tuning up” of the intellectual apparatus! But just a casual, easy air, as if saying to the book: “Well, come along, let’s have a look at you!” … We don’t give the book a chance. We don’t put ourselves at the disposal of the book. It is impossible to read properly without using all one’s engine-power. If we are not tired after reading, common sense is not in us. How should one grapple with a superior and not be out of breath? But even if we read with the whole force of our brain, and do nothing else, common sense is still not in us, while sublime conceit is. For we are assuming that, without further trouble, we can possess, coordinate, and assimilate all the ideas and sensations rapidly offered to us by a mind greater than our own. The assumption has only to be stated in order to appear in its monstrous absurdity. … Reading without subsequent reflection is ridiculous; it is equally a proof of folly and of vanity. Further, it is a sign of undue self- esteem to suppose that we can grasp the full import of an author’s message at a single reading. … I would say that no book of great and established reputation is read till it is read at least twice. … To resume and finish: open a great book in the braced spirit with which you would listen to a great man. Read with the whole of your brain and soul. Tire yourself …. Reflect. After an interval, read again. By this process, and by no other, will a book enter into you, become a part of you, and reappear in your life.

(For more in similar vein about reading, see the antepenultimate paragraph of Richard Mitchell’s “Why Good Grammar?”)

Bertrand Russell Bertrand Russell’s History of Western Philosophy is an exemplary case of the vice of deficient deference. Russell approaches the history of philosophy with a breezy confidence that he has little to learn from it, that it is mostly outdated, that 20th-century developments in philosophy have left it all behind, so that questions “formerly obscured by the fog of metaphysics” can now be “answered with precision.” In the book’s final chapter he explains:

I do not say that we can here and now give answers to all these ancient questions, but I do say that a method has been discovered by which, as in science, we can make successive approximations to the truth … In the welter of conflicting fanaticisms, one of the few unifying forces is scientific truthfulness …. To have insisted upon the introduction of this virtue into philosophy, and to have invented a powerful method by which it can be rendered fruitful, are the chief merits of the philosophical school of which I am a member.

And he offers his own theory of descriptions as an example of the new progressive order, saying that it “clears up two millennia of muddle-headedness about ‘existence”, beginning with Plato’s Theaetetus.”

As a result of this conviction that earlier philosophers were hopelessly muddled, Russell approaches the history of philosophy largely as a collection of antiquarian curiosities, and is more interested in what in his social background led Plato to say this or that than in whether he had good reasons for saying it. (The Routledge edition quotes Ray Monk’s description of Russell’s History as “exactly the kind of philosophy that most people would like to read, but which only Russell could possibly have written.” Apparently this was intended as a compliment.) Indeed, Russell virtually admits in the Preface that he is placing the philosophers in the space of causes rather than the space of reasons:

Philosophers are both effects and cause: effects of their social circumstances and of the politics and institutions of their time; causes (if they are fortunate) of beliefs which mould the politics and institutions of later ages. … I have tried … to exhibit each philosopher … as an outcome of his milieu ….

Indeed, had C. S. Lewis’s Screwtape Letters not been published three years before Russell’s History I might have suspected Lewis of having the latter book in mind when he wrote:

The Historical Point of View, put briefly, means that when a learned man is presented with any statement in an ancient author, the one question he never asks is whether it is true. He asks who influenced the ancient writer, and how far the statement is consistent with what he said in other books, and what phase in the writer’s development, or in the general history of thought, it illustrates, and how it affected later writers …. To regard the ancient writer as a possible source of knowledge — to anticipate that what he said could possibly modify your thoughts or your behavior — this would be rejected as unutterably simple-minded.

Of course it is not strictly true that Russell is unconcerned with questions of truth in his History. On the contrary, he often raises such questions; the problem is rather the careless rapidity with which he answers them. He gives the impression of thinking that the way to answer Plato’s questions is to read Russell, not to read Plato.

At the other extreme from Russell is the vice of excessive deference. J. L. Ackrill describes a case of this in the Introduction to his Essays on Plato and Aristotle. Coming from Oxford, Ackrill had absorbed a fairly balanced approach to the Greeks – “not having been taught what their ‘doctrines’ were, but having been encouraged to study them as philosophers, to base analysis of their views on close attention to the texts, and to criticize and build on their discussions in clear, precise language without undue deference.” He discovered a very different world when he crossed the Channel to attend a Swiss seminar on Plato:

There the professor went through the dialogues, giving sympathetic exegesis and answering occasional requests for explanation; but when I suggested that a certain argument advanced by Plato was invalid, a shocked silence followed – as though I had committed an embarrassing solecism. The professorial exposition then flowed on. It was evidently assumed either that no question of validity was allowable or that correct exegesis would necessarily show the argument to be valid.

The vice of excessive deference is by no means confined to 1950s Switzerland. In, for example, an Amazon review by one Michael Russell (clearly no relation to Bertrand), Julia Annas’s Introduction to Plato’s Republic is described as a “Misguided Mish-Mash of Academic Conceit”:

This book is profoundly flawed. The author is oblivious to the implications of her admitted license. For instance, she uses the term ‘moral’ while admitting that it comes from a tradition post-dating Plato (‘Introduction’ p.11) and uses it to smear across distinctions Plato himself found necessary. Professor Annas refuses to deal with the core concepts, as core concepts specific to Plato’s time and place, and substitutes them playfully with her own modern day conceits. I quote: “I shall use ‘morality’ for the area of practical reasoning carried on by an agent which is concerned with the best way for a person to live.” Why does she need to do this? If one was to say “the best way to live” as Plato himself does, is that not sufficient? Does the reader/student really need a professor to explain that Plato really means ‘morality’?. Baffling is why so much time is spent on non-Platonic terminology. To continually butcher The Republic with these artificial terms, such as ‘moral’, ‘values’, ‘society’, and ‘state’ is to assume ‘we’ know more than ‘they’ did. This is a historical prejudice, and it does an injustice to the unsuspecting reader/student. … The author goes on to give her opinion on why [a certain argument about gender] is too general – i.e. her considered views on the merits of a gender equality argument – which is fine and worth reading on its own terms, if it was offered as such, but it is not offered as such. This is supposed to be a book on ‘Plato’s Republic’, thus the title.

By contrast with the elder Russell’s approach, which assumes we have nothing to learn from Plato and everything to teach him, the younger Russell evidently assumes we have everything to learn from Plato and nothing to contribute – going so far as to insist that we should ask of Plato only Plato’s questions and never our own. (You will not be surprised to learn that the younger Russell is a Straussian.)

I notice that beginning philosophy students tend to oscillate between deficient and excessive deference to the texts. I suspect this is because they believe those to be the only two modes of textual engagement there are. What the vices of deficient and excessive deference have in common is that each makes engagement with classic texts into a monologue – in one case from author to reader, in the other case from reader to author. Yet surely the more appropriate ideal is a dialogue, where the point is not to shape one of the participants into a mold provided by the other, but to cooperate in a joint search for the truth.


Click Here For Punishment!

The PunisherI see that my 1999 Social Philosophy & Policy article “The Irrelevance of Responsibility” (which is mostly about the application of libertarian rights theory to issues of legal responsibility and punishment) is now online at Google Books. (The preview of the issue is limited, but my article is complete.)


Powered by WordPress. Designed by WooThemes