Between Two Russells

As Aristotle observes, virtue is often a mean between a vice of deficiency and a vice of excess. I think the same is true of attitudes toward reading the “great books.” On the one hand there is the vice of deficient deference to the text; this is what Arnold Bennett complains of in his article “Translating Literature Into Life” (The Bookman, Sept. 1919; conical hat tip to Kelly Jolley), when he writes:

If you were invited to meet a great writer, you would brace yourself to the occasion. You would say to yourself: “I must keep my ears open, and my brain wide-awake, so as to miss nothing”. You would tingle with your own bracing of yourself. But you – I mean “ we” – will sit down to a great book as though we were sitting down to a ham sandwich. No sense of personal inferiority in us! No mood of resolve! No “tuning up” of the intellectual apparatus! But just a casual, easy air, as if saying to the book: “Well, come along, let’s have a look at you!” … We don’t give the book a chance. We don’t put ourselves at the disposal of the book. It is impossible to read properly without using all one’s engine-power. If we are not tired after reading, common sense is not in us. How should one grapple with a superior and not be out of breath? But even if we read with the whole force of our brain, and do nothing else, common sense is still not in us, while sublime conceit is. For we are assuming that, without further trouble, we can possess, coordinate, and assimilate all the ideas and sensations rapidly offered to us by a mind greater than our own. The assumption has only to be stated in order to appear in its monstrous absurdity. … Reading without subsequent reflection is ridiculous; it is equally a proof of folly and of vanity. Further, it is a sign of undue self- esteem to suppose that we can grasp the full import of an author’s message at a single reading. … I would say that no book of great and established reputation is read till it is read at least twice. … To resume and finish: open a great book in the braced spirit with which you would listen to a great man. Read with the whole of your brain and soul. Tire yourself …. Reflect. After an interval, read again. By this process, and by no other, will a book enter into you, become a part of you, and reappear in your life.

(For more in similar vein about reading, see the antepenultimate paragraph of Richard Mitchell’s “Why Good Grammar?”)

Bertrand Russell Bertrand Russell’s History of Western Philosophy is an exemplary case of the vice of deficient deference. Russell approaches the history of philosophy with a breezy confidence that he has little to learn from it, that it is mostly outdated, that 20th-century developments in philosophy have left it all behind, so that questions “formerly obscured by the fog of metaphysics” can now be “answered with precision.” In the book’s final chapter he explains:

I do not say that we can here and now give answers to all these ancient questions, but I do say that a method has been discovered by which, as in science, we can make successive approximations to the truth … In the welter of conflicting fanaticisms, one of the few unifying forces is scientific truthfulness …. To have insisted upon the introduction of this virtue into philosophy, and to have invented a powerful method by which it can be rendered fruitful, are the chief merits of the philosophical school of which I am a member.

And he offers his own theory of descriptions as an example of the new progressive order, saying that it “clears up two millennia of muddle-headedness about ‘existence”, beginning with Plato’s Theaetetus.”

As a result of this conviction that earlier philosophers were hopelessly muddled, Russell approaches the history of philosophy largely as a collection of antiquarian curiosities, and is more interested in what in his social background led Plato to say this or that than in whether he had good reasons for saying it. (The Routledge edition quotes Ray Monk’s description of Russell’s History as “exactly the kind of philosophy that most people would like to read, but which only Russell could possibly have written.” Apparently this was intended as a compliment.) Indeed, Russell virtually admits in the Preface that he is placing the philosophers in the space of causes rather than the space of reasons:

Philosophers are both effects and cause: effects of their social circumstances and of the politics and institutions of their time; causes (if they are fortunate) of beliefs which mould the politics and institutions of later ages. … I have tried … to exhibit each philosopher … as an outcome of his milieu ….

Indeed, had C. S. Lewis’s Screwtape Letters not been published three years before Russell’s History I might have suspected Lewis of having the latter book in mind when he wrote:

The Historical Point of View, put briefly, means that when a learned man is presented with any statement in an ancient author, the one question he never asks is whether it is true. He asks who influenced the ancient writer, and how far the statement is consistent with what he said in other books, and what phase in the writer’s development, or in the general history of thought, it illustrates, and how it affected later writers …. To regard the ancient writer as a possible source of knowledge — to anticipate that what he said could possibly modify your thoughts or your behavior — this would be rejected as unutterably simple-minded.

Of course it is not strictly true that Russell is unconcerned with questions of truth in his History. On the contrary, he often raises such questions; the problem is rather the careless rapidity with which he answers them. He gives the impression of thinking that the way to answer Plato’s questions is to read Russell, not to read Plato.

At the other extreme from Russell is the vice of excessive deference. J. L. Ackrill describes a case of this in the Introduction to his Essays on Plato and Aristotle. Coming from Oxford, Ackrill had absorbed a fairly balanced approach to the Greeks – “not having been taught what their ‘doctrines’ were, but having been encouraged to study them as philosophers, to base analysis of their views on close attention to the texts, and to criticize and build on their discussions in clear, precise language without undue deference.” He discovered a very different world when he crossed the Channel to attend a Swiss seminar on Plato:

There the professor went through the dialogues, giving sympathetic exegesis and answering occasional requests for explanation; but when I suggested that a certain argument advanced by Plato was invalid, a shocked silence followed – as though I had committed an embarrassing solecism. The professorial exposition then flowed on. It was evidently assumed either that no question of validity was allowable or that correct exegesis would necessarily show the argument to be valid.

The vice of excessive deference is by no means confined to 1950s Switzerland. In, for example, an Amazon review by one Michael Russell (clearly no relation to Bertrand), Julia Annas’s Introduction to Plato’s Republic is described as a “Misguided Mish-Mash of Academic Conceit”:

This book is profoundly flawed. The author is oblivious to the implications of her admitted license. For instance, she uses the term ‘moral’ while admitting that it comes from a tradition post-dating Plato (‘Introduction’ p.11) and uses it to smear across distinctions Plato himself found necessary. Professor Annas refuses to deal with the core concepts, as core concepts specific to Plato’s time and place, and substitutes them playfully with her own modern day conceits. I quote: “I shall use ‘morality’ for the area of practical reasoning carried on by an agent which is concerned with the best way for a person to live.” Why does she need to do this? If one was to say “the best way to live” as Plato himself does, is that not sufficient? Does the reader/student really need a professor to explain that Plato really means ‘morality’?. Baffling is why so much time is spent on non-Platonic terminology. To continually butcher The Republic with these artificial terms, such as ‘moral’, ‘values’, ‘society’, and ‘state’ is to assume ‘we’ know more than ‘they’ did. This is a historical prejudice, and it does an injustice to the unsuspecting reader/student. … The author goes on to give her opinion on why [a certain argument about gender] is too general – i.e. her considered views on the merits of a gender equality argument – which is fine and worth reading on its own terms, if it was offered as such, but it is not offered as such. This is supposed to be a book on ‘Plato’s Republic’, thus the title.

By contrast with the elder Russell’s approach, which assumes we have nothing to learn from Plato and everything to teach him, the younger Russell evidently assumes we have everything to learn from Plato and nothing to contribute – going so far as to insist that we should ask of Plato only Plato’s questions and never our own. (You will not be surprised to learn that the younger Russell is a Straussian.)

I notice that beginning philosophy students tend to oscillate between deficient and excessive deference to the texts. I suspect this is because they believe those to be the only two modes of textual engagement there are. What the vices of deficient and excessive deference have in common is that each makes engagement with classic texts into a monologue – in one case from author to reader, in the other case from reader to author. Yet surely the more appropriate ideal is a dialogue, where the point is not to shape one of the participants into a mold provided by the other, but to cooperate in a joint search for the truth.


Click Here For Punishment!

The PunisherI see that my 1999 Social Philosophy & Policy article “The Irrelevance of Responsibility” (which is mostly about the application of libertarian rights theory to issues of legal responsibility and punishment) is now online at Google Books. (The preview of the issue is limited, but my article is complete.)


Space Space Baby

With various Jack Kirby collections out (Fourth World, Eternals, Black Panther, Devil Dinosaur, Silver Star, the first half of Kamandi) or on the way (OMAC, Demon, Captain Victory), one more I’d like to see (though the copyright issues are probably trickier than in the other cases) is his 2001: A Space Odyssey material, which consists of a) an adaptation of the film, b) a ten-issue follow-up series also titled 2001: A Space Odyssey (tracing the Monolith’s further interventions throughout past and future human history), and then c) the first nine issues of the spin-off series Machine Man (whose protagonist had his origins in 2001’s final 3-issue story arc, being raised to stable sentience by the Monolith).

Jack Kirby's 2001

The film adaptation itself is not particularly good (for some of the reasons, see this article), but the follow-up series, despite lacking much continuity, has the characteristically zany Kirby energy, and Machine Man is good too.

Still, I wish even more that they’d finish releasing the Kirby issues of Kamandi; he may be my favourite Kirby character, a kind of Tintin on the Planet of the Apes.


Ruwart on Children’s Rights

I see that on the basis of some rather vague passing comments in her book Short Answers to the Tough Questions, Mary Ruwart is being accused (see here and here) of defending pedophilia and child pornography.

Well, she’s clearly not doing that. But her position is vague enough to be ambiguous among several different positions. (She does begin the section with the disclaimer that determining the correct libertarian position on children’s rights is a “hotly-debated issue” where libertarian theorists “need more definition.”)

Let me first say what I take to be the correct libertarian position on these issues, and then take a look at what Ruwart says.

Consider the following three facts:

Fact 1: Consent is not genuine when a person’s capacity for meaningful consent (not just to sex but more broadly – e.g., to commercial contracts) is impaired, as it is in the case of immature mental/psychological development. (Thus some superficially consensual transactions are not genuinely consensual and so receive no protection from libertarian rights theory.)

Fact 2: Not everyone reaches maturity at precisely the same age. (Thus there’s no reasonable point at which to set an absolute universal cut-off without condemning some who are innocent and protecting some who are guilty.)

Fact 3: Nobody passes from immaturity to maturity overnight; the transition is always a gradual one. (The capacity to give meaningful consent to the sale of a pack of chewing gum surely emerges earlier than the capacity to give meaningful consent to a mortgage contract; likewise, given the asymmetries of power involved, the ability to give genuine consent to sex with someone a few years older arguably emerges earlier than the capacity to give genuine consent to sex with someone many years older.)

Fact 1 gives us a reason to favour some form of age-of-consent restrictions. Facts 2 and 3 give us a reason to make those restrictions sensitive to details of context rather than imposing a uniform limit across the board. For example, one way of dealing with Fact 2 is to establish an age limit below which the burden of proof shifts from the party claiming that the person’s consent was not consensual to the party claiming that it was. And one way of dealing with Fact 3 is to make the shift in burden of proof sensitive to age difference between the parties.

With regard to child pornography, I think criminalising the mere ownership or possession of it is legally incoherent, not just for the usual libertarian reasons (though those too) but on the grounds that the prosecutors of the crime would have to violate the very law they’re enforcing in order to maintain possession of the evidence needed to prosecute – unless of course prosecutors are exempted from the laws that apply to everybody else, but that would be hard to square with impartial justice. Moreover, if it were illegal to own photographic depictions of real-life rights-violations then all the news footage from wars, police beatings, etc. would have to be banned as well.

The real issue concerns the production of child pornography. If such production involves actual sex acts (as opposed to, say, digitally simulated imagery) by children below the age of consent (as defined above), then it’s rape and should be banned. If not, then there’s no direct victim, and so the production cannot legitimately be combated by legal force (though vigorous and systematic boycotts, protests, and shaming would be quite appropriate). (The argument that its production should be banned to protect indirect victims, on the theory that child pornography makes its readers more likely to commit child rape, would have no grounds for resisting the demand that all literature advocating and/or glamourising rights-violations be banned – which would deprive us of most of world literature.)

Okay, with those distinctions in hand, let’s turn to Ruwart. Here are some of the relevant passages, with my comments interspersed. (If you want to see more of the context and don’t own the book, go to its Amazon page and use the “Search inside” function; the section begins on page 41.)

Children have the same rights (and responsibilities) as adults, but normally exercise them with the help of a loving parent or guardian because they are physically incapable of assuming them at birth.

This passage recognises, properly, that children can have rights and yet, owing to immaturity, be unready to exercise those rights. Ruwart mentions only physical incapacity here; I would want to add psychological incapacity, but Ruwart here does not commit herself either to affirming or to denying this addendum.

A libertarian society would not have laws that discriminate on the basis of age.

In this section she’s talking not about sex but about things like the ban on selling alcohol or cigarettes to minors. I agree that those laws are silly. (My mother, when she was a child, regularly bought cigarettes and alcohol for her father; I don’t think anyone would claim the problems of underage drinking and smoking were more severe in the 1930s-40s than today.) And as Ruwart goes on to point out, if concerned parents wanted to organise a boycott against stores that made such sales to children they would probably be effective, since “parents are generally better customers than the children.”

But do the age-of-consent restrictions I favour “discriminate on the basis of age”? Well, sort of; but the real basis for the “discrimination” is not age per se but diminished capacity, of which immaturity is one but not the only cause; so I don’t know whether Ruwart is ruling out enforcement of age-of-consent restrictions as such. If she is, I definitely disagree with her (though I don’t regard such disagreement, if it be one, as being as fundamental as I would if I had greater confidence in coercive methods and less confidence in voluntary methods).

In practice, children’s rights are limited by their inability to take responsibility for their choices.

This is another passage that might look as though Ruwart is granting psychological as opposed to merely physical barriers to genuine consent. But the example she goes on to give is that “a child who wishes to work, but can’t convince his or her parents to provide the necessary transportation, will be unable to exercise that right,” which is a completely different issue; so the matter remains unclear.

Children forced to participate in sexual acts have the same rights and recourse as a rape victim. We can, and should, prosecute their oppressors.

Children who willingly participate in sexual acts have the right to make that decision as well, even if it’s distasteful to us personally. Some children will make poor choices just as some adults do in smoking and drinking to excess; this is part of life.

Ruwart’s critics seem to be assuming that she is attributing to children generally a capacity for meaningful consent to sex. In fact she doesn’t say that, though of course she doesn’t deny it either. Her reference to “children who willingly participate in sexual acts” says nothing about what the conditions for willing participation are, and her aforementioned disclaimer suggests she may not have a fully worked-out position on the matter. She clearly assumes that some children are capable of meaningfully consenting to sex under some circumstances, but hardly anybody denies that; see Fact 2. (No ages are mentioned, but given the legal context, “child” presumably means anyone currently regarded as below the age of majority, and so would include, say, a 17-year-old’s having sex with an 18-year-old, which surely can be consensual.)

When we outlaw child pornography, the prices paid for child performers rise, increasing the incentives for parents to use children against their will.

This is somewhat confusing. Does the phrase “outlaw child pornography” refer to outlawing possession or production? It seems to me that Ruwart is committed to banning (the typical case of) production by her earlier statement that when children are “forced to participate in sexual acts” (which is surely the typical case of production), they should be treated as “rape victims” and we should “prosecute their oppressors.”  So I presume that the phrase refers to outlawing possession. In that case, I agree with her conclusion – that possession shouldn’t be banned – but the argument is one which, if it’s good, would seem to tell against the banning of production as well. Now there may well be cases in which attempts to ban a genuine rights-violation can actually make matters worse (Spencer maintains, for example, that British attempts to ban the slave-trade made the conditions of slaves worse by motivating slavers to pack their victims into ships in greater numbers, and to dump them into the sea at the appearance of the British navy); but we should be very hesitant, I think, before deciding that no means of banning such rights-violation is viable.

The age of majority for marriage, work, etc. is most often established by custom of the society and will vary with the individual’s circumstances rather than being dictated by law.

Notably, Ruwart is evidently here endorsing, rather than rejecting, the concept of an “age of majority” – something one would never guess from what the critics have been saying. But it’s unclear whether Ruwart is rejecting legal enforcement of any and all age-of-consent restrictions in favour of custom-based pressure alone (in which case I disagree, as per Fact 1 above), or whether she is rejecting legal enforcement only of those age-of-consent restrictions that fail to “vary with the individual’s circumstances” (in which case I agree, as per Facts 2 and 3 above).

In any case, while Ruwart’s comments are certainly not fairly described as “defending” pedophilia or child pornography, they are admittedly ambiguous as to exactly what she thinks should or should not be banned by force of law. In particular, her position (if she even has a fully settled one) is ambiguous between the correct position (mine, of course) and various incorrect (un-Longian!) positions. Here’s hoping that the reportedly forthcoming revised edition will be less confusing on this issue.

(Note: No Agorist Demerits on this post because it’s about Ruwart’s political philosophy, not her campaign.)

[Clarification, since some are misunderstanding (or pretending to misunderstand) my Fact #2: When I say there “there’s no reasonable point at which to set an absolute universal cut-off,” I don’t mean there’s no age below which sexual consent is impossible for anyone. I’m saying that setting the age of consent at that point will be setting it too low in many cases.]


Powered by WordPress. Designed by WooThemes