Cop violates freedom of guy filming cop violating freedom of other guy.
Hey, if the cop wasnt doing anything wrong, what was he afraid of? (To coin a phrase.)
Cop violates freedom of guy filming cop violating freedom of other guy.
Hey, if the cop wasnt doing anything wrong, what was he afraid of? (To coin a phrase.)
I dont try to make you believe something you dont believe,
but to make you do something you wont do.
Ludwig Wittgenstein
Over and over, youre falling, and then catching yourself from falling.
And this is how you can be walking and falling at the same time.
Laurie Anderson
Ive written before about the importance of Thomas Kuhns Structure of Scientific Revolutions for left-libertarians. Heres another example.
Left-libertarians and right-libertarians or mainstream libertarians, or normal libertarians, or whatever one wants to call them (Im tempted by the irony of modal libertarians myself) often get frustrated with each other. Left-libertarians pull their hair out when right-libertarians at one moment acknowledge the existence of pervasive government favouritism to big business, and then at the next moment lapse back into treating criticisms of big business as criticisms of the free market. (Here, for example, is Kevin Carson wondering why John Stossel, who in the past has tipped his hat to the ideas of corporatism and crony capitalism, suddenly smile[s] and nod[s] when Michael Medved responds to allegations that big business is corrupt and exploitative, in the corporatist economy we live in, by arguing that it cant happen, because in a free market ….) Right-libertarians, for their part, cant see why left-libertarians keep harping about corporatist intervention when the right-libertarians have already acknowledged its existence and badness.
I think Kuhns discussion of the pendulum may help to illuminate whats going wrong here. Kuhn writes:
Since remote antiquity most people have seen one or another heavy body swinging back and forth on a string or chain until it finally comes to rest. To the Aristotelians, who believed that a heavy body is moved by its own nature from a higher position to a state of natural rest at a lower one, the swinging body was simply falling with difficulty. Constrained by the chain, it could achieve rest at its low point only after a tortuous motion and a considerable time. Galileo, on the other hand, looking at the swinging body, saw a pendulum, a body that almost succeeded in repeating the same motion over and over again ad infinitum. … [W]hen Aristotle and Galileo looked at swinging stones, the first saw constrained fall, the second a pendulum …. (Structure, pp. 118-121)
For Kuhn, the change from the Aristotelean to the Galilean interpretation represents a Gestalt switch associated with a paradigm shift; and I think the dispute over corporatism among libertarians involves something similar.
Aristotle and Galileo both noticed the same two facts about the swinging stone: a) it keeps swinging back and forth for a long time, and b) it eventually stops and hangs straight down. The difference, I would say, lies in what they saw as fundamental or essential. For Aristotle, hanging straight down (or getting as close as possible to doing so) was what the stone is essentially doing, while the period of swinging back and forth is an accidental imperfection noise in the signal. For Galileo, by contrast, swinging perpetually back and forth in the same arc (or getting as close as possible to doing so) is what the stone is essentially doing, and its the gradual shortening of the arc until it hangs straight down thats the accidental imperfection or noise.
One can imagine the Galileans shouting But the stone keeps swinging back and forth in almost the same arc! Why do you ignore that? and the Aristoteleans answering Ive already acknowledged the forces that constrain the stone in its fall! Why do you act as though I havent?
Ludwig von Mises tells of a similar dispute with his mentor Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, when the Cantillon effects that Böhm-Bawerk dismissed as mere friction were for Mises an essential explanatory phenomenon in monetary analysis.
Just as Aristotle and Galileo saw different things when they looked at a swinging stone, and just as Böhm-Bawerk and Mises saw different things when they looked at the expansion of the money supply, so right-libertarians and left-libertarians see different things when they look at the existing economy.
Of course, like Aristotle and Galileo, they both notice (at some level of abstraction) the same facts: theres a lot of more or less corporatist policies and theres a lot of more or less free exchange. But for the right-libertarian, free exchange is what essentially characterises the existing economy, while the corporatist policies are so much friction; and just as you dont constantly mention friction when talking about how a mechanism works, right-libertarians dont constantly mention corporatism when talking about how the economy works. For the left-libertarian, by contrast, corporatism is a far more essential feature of the existing economy. (Though for most left-libertarians the free exchange is probably essential too, which may be part of what distinguishes us from some mainstream anarchists. So the analogy isnt perfect. But never mind.)
Thus left-libertarians and right-libertarians are frustrated with each other because theyre arguing from opposite sides of a Gestalt shift, where what looks essential to one side looks accidental to the other; and persuading our opponents may be less a matter of getting them to assent to some specific list of propositions and more a matter of getting them to look at the world through the lens of those propositions. (One reason I find this explanation plausible is that I used to be more of a right-libertarian than I am now, and it rings true to my recollection of my own self-understanding.)
Now Kuhn often gives the impression of thinking that in cases like this neither side is more right than the other that the Aristotelean and Galilean interpretations of the swinging stone are equally valid, and the choice between the two is a matter of nonrational commitent. Its controversial whether at the end of the day that is precisely what Kuhn thinks, but lets leave questions of Kuhn interpretation aside. Whether or not thats Kuhns view, its not my view, and I dont think that anything Kuhn has pointed out forces us to such a relativist position.
So I dont want to suggest that this disagreement between left-libertarians and right-libertarians is a matter of a merely optional difference in perspective, like the Duck-Rabbit or the Necker Cube. Unlike Kuhn (perhaps), in such disputes I think both sides dont recognise all the same facts, or at any rate dont equally fully register the significance of those facts. Just as I regard Galileos interpretation of the swinging stone as explanatorily superior to Aristotles (explaining a broader range of facts, for example), and likewise Mises interpretation of monetary expansion as explanatorily superior to Böhm-Bawerks, so I think that the interpretation of the existing economy that sees corporatism as systematic and all-pervasive is explanatorily superior to the view that sees it as mere friction in an essentially free-market mechanism.
Right-libertarians could, of course, agree with the analysis Ive just given of the disagreement, but insist that theyre the Galileo/Mises and were the Aristotle/Böhm-Bawerk. That would be a fair enough response; nothing Ive said in this post supports the left-libertarian view of whats essential over the right-libertarian view of what is so.
I do think, of course, that theres a lot of important left-libertarian work out there that does make the case for the explanatory superiority of seeing corporatism as essential including, obviously, Kevin Carson two books. (See also Charles Johnsons recent summary of the nine ways in which corporatism operates.) But that goes beyond the aim of this post, which is simply to offer a way to think about this dispute of ours.
Seymour Hersh on the change that is no change:
The texts (or approximations thereto) of the presentations at our Free-Market Anti-Capitalism panel at last months APEE meeting in Las Vegas are now all online. (Some of them have been online for a while, but the whole enchilada wasnt up until today.)
• Steven Horwitzs comments, parts one and two (and see also this follow-up)
• Sheldon Richmans comments
• Gary Chartiers comments
• Charles Johnsons comments, parts one, two, three, four, five, six, and seven
The presentations were excellent and the panel was a lot of fun, as was hanging out with the panelists in Vegas. Im hoping we can do another of these at next years APEE meeting in Nassau.
Charles Johnson, Gary Chartier, Steven Horwitz, Sheldon Richman, and Roderick Long at APEE's Free-Market Anti-Capitalism panel in Las Vegas, 13 April 2010
For bigger (much bigger) pictures of the panel, see here, here, and here.
Shawn Wilbur has some interesting remarks on the benefits and hazards of the possession/property distinction.
In related news, Demonic Possession would be a great name for an anti-Proudhonian screed.
According to the latest LP press release:
Elena Kagan is another bad pick for the Supreme Court. If confirmed, it is likely that she will vote on cases with the intent of advancing political policy goals.
Kagan will probably vote to advance liberal policy goals, just as some other justices vote to advance conservative policy goals. That is not the place of justices, who should be applying the Constitution, not trying to rewrite it to make society work better according to their views. …
Once upon a time, Congress felt it had a duty to legislate in accordance with the Constitution. Likewise, past presidents believed that they should veto laws that were not clearly constitutional. But in more recent years, both branches have thrown this crucial duty away. …
And so on.
So are they the Libertarian Party or are they the Constitution Party? Which is their more basic value: the nonaggression principle or the Constitution? If there is a duty on the part of Federal officials to set aside their own judgment in favour of the Constitution, does that mean they also had a duty to enforce the fugitive slave cause?
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